Anger has erupted in Lomé, the capital of Togo, following the implementation of a new constitution that critics say enables President Faure Gnassingbé to assume the powerful role of prime minister without presidential term limits. Protests are expected to continue this Friday.
At least five demonstrators have reportedly died in recent clashes with security forces.
Frustration among young Togolese citizens has been primarily mobilized not by traditional political opposition, which faced setbacks in recent local elections, but by musicians, bloggers, and activists.
These figures have tapped into widespread discontent with a regime that has been in power for nearly six decades, first under Gnassingbé Éyadéma and subsequently under his son, Faure Gnassingbé.
This surpasses even the tenure of Cameroon’s President Paul Biya, 92, who recently affirmed his intention to seek an eighth term in upcoming elections, and the father-and-son presidencies in Gabon, where Omar Bongo’s son, Ali Bongo, was ousted in a coup in August 2023.
Gnassingbé, a seasoned political strategist, appears to have learned from the Gabonese episode, moving swiftly to establish a new constitutional framework in Togo. This is seen as a strategy to extend his grip on power while mitigating accusations of dynastic rule by diminishing his public profile.
He will no longer be required to stand for re-election as president.
The 59-year-old’s premiership is secured by the dominance of his Union pour la République (Unir) party in the national assembly, a position likely to persist due to constituency boundaries that favor its northern strongholds and under-represent the opposition-leaning southern coast.
Gilbert Bawara, Togo’s civil service and labor minister, maintains that the 2024 election was transparent, with “all the major political actors and parties” participating.
Bawara stated on BBC Focus on Africa TV last week that “the government cannot be held responsible for the weakness of the opposition.”
He added that peaceful demonstrations are permitted within legal bounds, while accusing activists abroad of inciting “young people to attack security forces” in an attempt to destabilize the country.
The new constitutional framework was introduced with little notice in early 2024 and swiftly approved by the government-controlled national assembly, without a public referendum.
This May, a one-year transition concluded with Gnassingbé, who had served as head of state since 2005, relinquishing the presidency to assume the newly empowered premiership, which now holds executive power and authority over the armed forces.
The legislature selected Jean-Lucien Savi de Tové, 86, a former business minister, to fill the now largely ceremonial role of president.
Regime spokespersons have presented this power shift internationally as a transition from a strong presidential system to a more democratic “parliamentary” model, aligning with the traditions of the Commonwealth, which Togo, like Gabon, joined in 2022 to diversify its international relations and reduce dependence on its historical ties with France.
The transition to these new constitutional arrangements, designed to prolong Gnassingbé’s rule, has occurred with minimal comment from international partners, who are currently focused on conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine.
The Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) has also remained silent, despite Togo holding legislative elections shortly after the new constitution was enacted, in violation of the bloc’s protocol on good governance and democracy, which mandates a six-month interval between constitutional changes and major elections.
Following the decision of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger to withdraw from Ecowas, remaining member governments are reportedly hesitant to challenge each other’s actions.
However, the situation on the streets of Lomé tells a different story.
Rapper Essowe Tchalla, known as “Aamron,” released a satirical video calling for the “celebration” of Gnassingbé’s June 6 birthday.
His abduction from his home in late May by security agents sparked outrage among young urban Togolese.
Hundreds protested in the capital on June 5 and 6, leading to numerous detentions by government forces.
The situation took a disturbing turn when Aamron was reportedly confined to a mental hospital, reminiscent of tactics used in the Soviet Union, followed by the release of a hostage-style video in which he admitted to psychological issues and apologized to Faure Gnassingbé. Aamron has since disowned these statements after his release without charge.
Late June saw another wave of street protests, with security forces confronting youths who had erected burning barricades.
Human rights groups reported widespread arbitrary detentions and the presence of armed pro-government militia patrolling the streets in pick-up trucks.
At least five people were killed, and two bodies were discovered in the lagoons north of central Lomé, although the circumstances of their deaths remain unclear.
Cultural figures such as Aamron and poet Honoré Sitsopé Sokpor, known as “Affectio,” who was jailed in January, have been key in inspiring the recent protests, connecting with young people in ways that traditional politicians cannot.
Many Togolese citizens appear to have lost faith in the formal political process.
Despite the peaceful local elections on July 17, where Unir predictably dominated according to official results, a leading opposition figure, Jean-Pierre Fabre, reported that he was the only voter at his local polling station.
Critics view the new constitution as a means to perpetuate the rule of the Gnassingbé dynasty, described by West African media as a “republican monarchy” or “legalist authoritarianism.”
A Togolese human rights activist suggests that popular frustration has reached unprecedented levels.
Previous mass protests have occurred.
In 2017, churches supported marches demanding reform, while Tikpi Atchadam, a charismatic opposition figure, mobilized young people in the regime-dominated center-north.
In the 2020 presidential election, the regime was surprised by the strong showing of opposition challenger Agbeyomé Kodjo, backed by the respected former Archbishop of Lomé, Philippe Kpodzro. Although both men have since passed away, the political movement they inspired remains active and is often targeted by authorities.
Frustration is once again escalating, particularly among young urban Togolese.
With his constitutional changes to a “parliamentary” system, Gnassingbé aims to maintain control while distancing himself from direct political scrutiny.
However, this strategy faces challenges from creative leaders in popular culture, including bloggers, singers, and grassroots activists.
The hashtag #FaureMustGo is gaining traction on social media, and a new campaign for change, known as M66 (“6 June Movement”), has been launched, referencing Gnassingbé’s birthday.
Paul Melly is a consulting fellow with the Africa Programme at Chatham House in London.
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