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Thousands convened in Dhaka this week to commemorate the anniversary of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s ouster and the envisioned dawn of a new era for Bangladesh.
Amidst persistent rainfall, Muhammad Yunus, the head of the interim government, joined leaders from diverse political factions and activists in a united front, unveiling their blueprint for a “New Bangladesh”.
Across the nation, citizens brandished the national flag at concerts, rallies, and dedicated prayer sessions, marking what some activists are heralding as the “second liberation” of this Muslim-majority nation of 170 million.
However, these celebratory displays belie the complexities of the past year.
Human rights organizations report instances of vigilante justice, mob violence, retaliatory attacks, and a resurgence of religious extremism, potentially jeopardizing the nation’s democratic trajectory.
Meanwhile, the former prime minister, ousted in a dramatic power shift, remains in exile in neighboring India, denying any culpability in the deadly crackdown and refusing to return to face charges of crimes against humanity.
“I think we had a regime change, not a revolution. Fundamentally, misogyny remains intact, male dominance remains unchallenged,” Shireen Huq, a women’s rights activist, told the BBC.
Ms. Huq led the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission, established by the interim government to implement social and political reforms reflecting the uprising’s commitment to democracy and pluralism.
In April, the commission submitted its report, advocating for gender equality, particularly concerning women’s inheritance and divorce rights, criminalizing marital rape, and safeguarding the rights of sex workers facing abuse and harassment.
The following month, thousands of Islamist hardliners protested the proposed reforms, deeming them anti-Islamic and asserting the inherent inequality between men and women.
The protesters, led by Hefazat-e-Islam, which holds a seat on the interim government’s advisory council, demanded the dissolution of the women’s commission and the punishment of its members.
Consequently, the commission’s proposals were not subject to detailed public debate.
“I was disappointed that the interim government did not support us enough when we were subjected to lots of abuses by Hefazat-e-Islam,” Ms. Huq said.
Yunus’s office did not respond to a request for comment regarding these allegations.
Activists contend that these protests exemplify the emboldening of hardliners who had been marginalized during Hasina’s administration.
They have also objected to girls’ participation in football matches, women celebrities’ involvement in commercial endorsements, and, in some instances, have harassed women in public based on their attire.
However, women are not the sole targets. Hardliners have also vandalized numerous shrines belonging to minority groups, such as Sufi Muslims, in the past year.
Even as individuals like Ms. Huq look to the future, Bangladesh remains entangled with its past.
Widespread anger persists against Hasina’s Awami League-led government, accused of unlawful killings, enforced disappearances, and the brutal suppression of dissent.
“You have a huge constituency of people in Bangladesh who wanted to see not just accountability but vengeance and retribution,” says David Bergman, a journalist and a long-time Bangladesh watcher.
However, he cautions that “one can’t continue with the injustices that existed in the Awami League period and just replicate them in the current period”.
The Awami League alleges that this is precisely what is happening, claiming that hundreds of its supporters have been victims of vigilante violence in the past year – allegations the interim government denies.
Several journalists and Awami League supporters have been imprisoned for months on murder charges, with repeated denials of their bail applications.
Critics argue that these murder accusations lack thorough investigation, and the individuals are detained solely due to their previous affiliation with the Awami League.
“It takes time for stability to return after a major uprising. We are in a transitional phase,” acknowledged Nahid Islam, a student leader who helped spearhead the protests and advised the interim government until recently.
Islam acknowledges the challenges facing the country but dismisses concerns of growing Islamist influence, characterizing it as “part of a broader cultural struggle” that has long existed.
However, there are also signs of progress. The interim government is credited with stabilizing the country’s economy, and, contrary to earlier fears, the banking sector has remained resilient.
Bangladesh has met its loan obligations, maintained relatively stable food prices, and sustained robust foreign exchange reserves – currently at $30bn (£22bn) – due to remittances and international loans. Exports have also remained stable.
Then there are other, less easily measurable things.
Islam contends that since the fall of Hasina, “a democratic environment has been established, and now everyone can express their views freely”. This is a significant achievement in a country with a history of political instability, military coups, assassinations, and deep-seated rivalries.
However, this assertion is being challenged by some.
The influence of student leaders within the interim government has drawn criticism. Their roles were granted in recognition of their leadership during the unprecedented protests that led to Hasina’s downfall.
Currently, two remain in the cabinet, and critics suggest that controversial decisions, such as the temporary ban on the Awami League, were influenced by student pressure.
“The government has at times complied with some of the populist demands, particularly by the students, fearing more threatening protests could otherwise erupt. However, that was the exception rather than the rule,” Mr. Bergman says.
Meanwhile, an exiled Awami League leader alleges that the party’s supporters are being silenced by being barred from contesting the upcoming elections, with most of its leaders either in exile or in prison.
“The elections will not be inclusive without the participation of the Awami League,” Mohammad Ali Arafat, former minister in Hasina’s cabinet, told the BBC.
In its latest report, Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) reported an alarming increase in mob violence, while extra-judicial killings and deaths in custody have persisted in the past year.
“We have overthrown an authoritarian regime, but unless we put an end to the authoritarian practices, we cannot really create a new Bangladesh,” Iftekhar Zaman, the executive director of the TIB, stated during the report’s launch earlier this week.
As Bangladesh stands at a crossroads, the next six months will be critical.
Some argue that without meaningful changes to the country’s complex political system, the sacrifices made during the uprising risk being rendered meaningless.
Sheikh Hasina authorized lethal force against protesters, according to leaked audio verified by the BBC.
Relations between the countries have been sour for months but differences were mostly expressed verbally until now.
Six men in Bangladesh tell the BBC about how they were forced into detention under the now-deposed government.
The Indian conglomerate had halved the supply to the country’s eastern neighbour over unpaid dues.
Provides an overview of Bangladesh, including key dates and facts about this South Asian nation.
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